Who wants safer cities? Perceptions of public safety and attitudes to migrants among China's urban population
Introduction
The rate of serious crime in China showed a marked increase between the late 1980s and mid-1990s. For example, between 1988 and 1995 homicides increased 71%, assaults 171%, robbery 351%, serious theft 237% and larceny 72% (Guo, 1996, p. 4). The sharp increase in the crime rate has fueled government and public concerns of a crime wave. As one commentator put it, “the government leadership [considers] China [is] currently experiencing a period of criminal ‘high-tide”’ (Ma, 1995, p. 247). As a result of this increase in serious crime, public safety has been a major issue in China since the early 1990s. A 1991 national survey of 15,000 people in China reported that two-thirds of respondents were seriously worried about the level of public safety (Research Institute of Ministry of Public Security, 1991). Concerns about rising crime rates and falling public safety have been linked to China's migration population. It is estimated that 120–150 million peasant workers have relocated to China's cities (Pan, 2002). Migrants are considered to be a main reason for high crime rates in urban China. As Wang and Zuo (1999, p. 278) have put it: “the stereotype of rural migrants is that they are uneducated, ignorant, dirty, and also have high propensities to be criminals”.
Beginning with Becker (1968) and Ehrlich (1973), the economics of crime literature has focused most of its attention on explaining determinants of crime within a rational actor framework. Apart from Pradhan and Ravallion (2003), who examined determinants of public safety in Brazil, there has not been any research in the economics literature on concern about public safety. It is important to begin to address this apparent gap in the literature because public perceptions of safety bear substantially upon both subjective quality of life and on further objective life quality measures, such as government spending on crime prevention and victimization support. Politicians also care about perceptions because how people perceive crime rates is important for political survival for politicians and/or their policies.1 This study adds to the literature on economic models of the determinants of public safety by drawing on a large survey of urban residents conducted in 2003 to examine the determinants of people's perceptions of public safety in Chinese cities. From a theoretical perspective there are alternatives, but ultimately equivalent ways to envisage perceptions of public safety. One approach is to model the demand for public safety, then derive perceptions of public safety from the demand for public safety function. This would be consistent with the approach in studies such as Clotfelter (1977) and Gyimah-Brempong (1989). An alternative approach, and the modelling approach we employ in this study, is to examine variations in perceptions of public safety as an extension of the ‘supply of offences’ function. This is in the spirit of studies such as Gavaria and Pages (2002) and Pradhan and Ravallion (2003). While the Ehrlich (1973) ‘supply of offences’ function was developed to explain variations in actual crime rates, it can be extended to account well for variance in perceptions of public safety. The reason is that in cities in which the economic model of crime suggests crime rates should be high, one would expect individuals to be more concerned about public safety. Because migrants are blamed for escalating crime rates in Chinese cities we also examine whether urbanite's perception of public safety is influenced by their attitudes to migrants.
The article proceeds as follows. The next section provides an overview of the dataset. Section 3 presents the empirical specification and Section 4 explains the econometric methodology. The results are set out and discussed in Section 5. The final section contains the conclusion and offers some suggestions for future research.
Section snippets
Data
Since 2001, China Mainland Marketing Research Company (CMMRC) has conducted an annual survey of approximately 10,000 urban residents, asking a range of questions relating to their perceptions of changes in living standards, changes in economic circumstances, expenditure on household items and background characteristics such as age, education, gender, income and occupation. CMMRC employs multistage stratified random sampling to ensure a representative sample in terms of age, gender and income.
Empirical specification
We used the following specification to examine urbanites’ perception of public safety:Here PERCEPTION is an ordinal variable measuring the respondent's perception of public safety; X is a vector of individual and household characteristics (age, gender, education, household income, household size, marital status, occupation, place of residence); Z is a vector of city characteristics (such as the masculinity ratio, population density, number of schools and expenditure
Econometric methodology
We used an ordered probit model to estimate Eq. (1), employing the two proxies for the dependent variable in alternative specifications. It is possible that the respondent's perception of migrants is an endogenous variable. This will be the case if the respondent's perceptions of migrants are based on the same human capital, job-related and personal factors that influence their perception of public safety. If this is the case, the error term (ɛ) will be correlated with MIGRANT, producing biased
Empirical results
Table 3 presents the ordered probit results both uncorrected and corrected for endogeneity of perceptions of migrants where the dependent variable is ‘are you satisfied with your current living standards in terms of the level of public safety?’ Threshold parameters are ordered accordingly and there is no overlap in the 95% confidence intervals, indicating that the response categories do not overlap. In the following discussion we focus only on the corrected results. Of the statistically
Conclusion
We have examined the determinants of perceptions of public safety in urban China using a large survey administered in 2003 containing approximately 8130 valid responses on questions of interest to us, supplemented with city-specific variables likely to influence perceptions of public safety from the locale in which the respondent lived. We find support for our central hypothesis that the individual's attitude to migrants affects his or her perception of public safety. However, in contrast to a
Acknowledgements
This project was supported by a grant from the Monash Institute for the Study of Global Movements. We thank Joanna Nikopoulos and Xiaolei Qian for research assistance on this project and an anonymous referee for several helpful comments on an earlier version of this article.
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